https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site Hi! Do I know you? Sat, 03 Sep 2022 22:01:17 +0000 https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site en https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/MAIN-MENU Sun, 21 Aug 2022 17:28:33 +0000 Hi! Do I know you? https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/MAIN-MENU <img width="5305" height="3649" width_o="5305" height_o="3649" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/d249509674554a7a46f0cbc70c106db42e59669048d38ba6ee1d128ff58516e8/HOMEPAGE-04.png" data-mid="150958658" border="0" data-no-zoom="true" data-marker-id="2" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/d249509674554a7a46f0cbc70c106db42e59669048d38ba6ee1d128ff58516e8/HOMEPAGE-04.png" /> <img width="2384" height="2375" width_o="2384" height_o="2375" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/af0dc9e3ff93df1245f858d04762287c027aaa250e4d1a266c3a4998908c6326/HOMEPAGE-02.png" data-mid="150958656" border="0" data-no-zoom="true" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/af0dc9e3ff93df1245f858d04762287c027aaa250e4d1a266c3a4998908c6326/HOMEPAGE-02.png" /> <img width="2882" height="3082" width_o="2882" height_o="3082" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/659094c216829e1e0deb5baec4c51a8b8bf0f015bde699afe50ef34130784430/HOMEPAGE-03.png" data-mid="150958657" border="0" data-no-zoom="true" data-marker-id="3" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/659094c216829e1e0deb5baec4c51a8b8bf0f015bde699afe50ef34130784430/HOMEPAGE-03.png" /> Istanbul’s Lost Leisure Spaces as&nbsp; Collective Memory Superstructures: (Re-)learning from Mesires and Plajs to Challenge Social Polarization Kıvılcım Göksu Toprak | MA Architecture and Historic Urban Environments https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/INTRODUCTION Sun, 21 Aug 2022 17:28:33 +0000 Hi! Do I know you? https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/INTRODUCTION A STUDY OF ISTANBUL’S LOST LEISURE SPACES FOR OVERCOMING THE&nbsp;SOCIAL POLARIZATION THIS RESEARCH FOCUSES ON TWO LEISURE TYPOLOGIES THAT HAD EXISTED IN ISTANBUL’S PAST: PLAJ LAR AND MESİRELER (BEACHES AND MEADOWS). IT EXPLORES THE ELEMENTS AND INTERACTIONS CREATING&nbsp;THESE PLACES AND PROBES THE WAYS INDIVIDUAL STORIES&nbsp;ESTABLISH&nbsp;A CUMULATIVE CULTURE. THROUGHOUT THE PROJECT, THE &nbsp;CONCEPTS OF MEMORY, HISTORY, AND IDENTITY ARE CHALLENGED VIA&nbsp; ARCHIVAL STUDIES OF OPEN ACCESS SOURCES AND VISUAL/TACTILE REINTERPRETATIONS OF SPACE-TIME. THE AIM IS TO DISCOVER HOW ARBITRARY ENCOUNTERS, SPATIAL APPROPRIATIONS&nbsp;AND NEGOTIATIONS, THAT HAPPEN DURING LEISURE ACTIVITIES’ TEMPORARY OCCUPATIONS,&nbsp;CAN CONTRIBUTE TO CONSTRUCTING INCLUSIVE COLLECTIVE MEMORIES, IDENTITIES, AND SUSTAINABLE FUTURES. BY ADOPTING A PHENOMENOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE, THIS RESEARCH&nbsp;QUESTIONS THE&nbsp;PLACE’S EVER-CHANGING MEANING AND IT&nbsp;INTRODUCES A NEW UNDERSTANDING OF LEISURE CULTURE THAT CAN BECOME A TOOL FOR OVERCOMING THE DEHUMANIZATION AND&nbsp;CREATING INCLUSIVE FUTURES. ︎︎︎ https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/TEXT-MENU Sun, 21 Aug 2022 17:28:35 +0000 Hi! Do I know you? https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/TEXT-MENU Istanbul’s Lost Leisure Spaces as&nbsp;Collective Memory Superstructures: Relearning from Mesires and Plajs to&nbsp;Overcome The Social Polarization Chapter 1 – Introduction : Everday Conflicts and Inherited Controversies Chapter 2 – Research Methodology Chapter 3 – The Theoretical Framework: &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; A – Identity and The Past &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; B – Spatial Perception and The Narratives &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; C – Identity as a Dynamic Phenomenon &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; D - Discussion Chapter 4 – Public Space And The Istanbul Context: &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; A – Building a Collective Memory and The Public Space&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; B – Discovering The Public Space In Istanbul &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; Chapter 5 – &nbsp;The Case Studies: &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; A – Mesire Typology &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; B – Plaj Typology Chapter 6 – Conceptualizing The Space Perception Chapter 7 – Conclusion https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/ABSTRACT Sat, 03 Sep 2022 22:01:17 +0000 Hi! Do I know you? https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/ABSTRACT Abstract:&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; As a conflict often visible in diverse communities, social polarization challenges economic, cultural, and ecologic sustainability. In this research, this abstract phenomenon is studied through a spatial perspective that investigates the processes of building collective memories and identities by occupying a space. It examines the ways in which the social relations within a community are constructed, and the boundaries are negotiated in everyday encounters through micro-dynamics and appropriations of the space. Consistently, the research focuses on leisure spaces that carry the potential of sustaining autonomous, spontaneous, self-iterating interactions between the individuals of a community. It takes two lost leisure typologies of Istanbul, which were ‘free’ lands activated through temporary occupations, as case studies: mesires (meadows) and plajs (beaches). It studies them through a phenomenological perspective by probing the relationship between the physical space, the temporary elements and their interactions, and the abstract meaning of the space which together create the space identity that can be described as a “superstructure” by adopting Edward Casey’s terms.1 &nbsp; &nbsp; Based on the motivation of resolving contemporary dilemmas and controversies based on social polarization, this research aims to rediscover the potential of a space or the memory to redefine the relationships and the social structures within a community from bottom up. It also aims to propose a perspective that may become a tool for more inclusive and sustainable future designs. Throughout the study an approach that realizes the space, the memory and the identity as cumulative phenomena which can be iterated through everyday interventions and interpretations of the individuals is adopted. Based on this potential, the research collects information on meadows and beaches from easy to reach, open-access resources; gather the multiple narratives creating collective memories; and visually recreates the cumulative identities of these typologies in a non-hierarchal way. Two outputs of this study, besides the written essay, are an archival website, which is planned to evolve with the incoming information, and a pair of conceptual models visually narrating the abstract spatial perspective portrayed in this study. 1Edward Casey. ‘From Remembering: A Phenomenological Study’. The Collective Memory Reader, Oxford University Press, 2011. https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/INTRODUCTION-1 Thu, 01 Sep 2022 13:49:45 +0000 Hi! Do I know you? https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/INTRODUCTION-1 Chapter 1- Introduction: Istanbul’s Everday Conflicts&nbsp;and Inherited Controversies &nbsp; &nbsp; This research examines informal interactions and negotiations in two lost leisure typologies of Istanbul: mesire [meadow] and plaj [beach]; studies them over memory, identity and spatial-perception relationships, and tries to answer the question: “What aspects of Istanbul’s lost leisure space typologies, mesire and plaj, suggest inclusive sustainable urban settings and can be used for overcoming the social polarization?”. For answering this question, this paper will cover seven chapters elaborating on a phenomenological spatial perspective, discussions on public spaces, the study of two lost leisure typologies, ways suggested to conceptualize the space, and a conclusion. While beginning the paper, the overall framework of this research project will be set and the current Istanbul context, together with the motivations stimulating this study, will be presented and discussed. &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; The life in İstanbul can be described as “chaotic”.&nbsp; While running errands, going to work, having a tea with friends, or rushing to catch a ferry it is ordinary to come across ethically and emotionally challenging situations recalling inherited controversies. The public space here is intertwined with questions of identity which requires life-long reflections. This aspect of the city emerges as significant and characteristic. Standing as an almost 1700-year-old city with an anciently diverse community, Istanbul keeps re-iterating itself as its occupants run into each other and redefine the city in its public spaces. As confrontations with the past and each other occur, the social, mental, and urban resilience keeps being challenged. To maintain a level of social, economic, or ecological sustainability in this chaotic environment, embracing the constant negotiations over spaces and identities appears necessary. <img width="4726" height="3544" width_o="4726" height_o="3544" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/645b71b98ac260f5219e3caf81237ba9980335421d2f90952cb6605e31833e95/REPORT-PICS-10.jpg" data-mid="152022930" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/645b71b98ac260f5219e3caf81237ba9980335421d2f90952cb6605e31833e95/REPORT-PICS-10.jpg" /> [Figure 1] - Where is Anatolia?&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; Istanbul is frequently described as the city connecting the East and the West. Although these words have very loaded meanings, this definition is noteworthy since it emphasizes the city’s indication as being a crossroads. The geographical location of İstanbul; while also triggering many socio-political conflicts; constructs the everyday dynamics of the city and becomes the reason for developing a culture of “living together”. Countless objects, stories, and identities coming from infinitely varying backgrounds meet each other in Istanbul which wraps and connects them. As this constantly repeats, the city generates creative, unexpected, unpredictable ways to sustain its tangible and intangible existence.&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; On the flip side, the critical importance of Istanbul’s iterative, vibrant, and self-repairing cosmopolitan character gained more importance in the times that it struggled to function due to conflicts and traumatic interruptions. This can be observed in the historical narratives talking about the city’s past and the conflicts of interests. While describing the history of Istanbul, similar to many other political histories; invasions and wars stood out. The conflicts solved by political or military interventions are pointed out while narrating what Istanbul was. However, the life in the city had actually been sustained by smaller negotiations and stories continued at individual and social level; even during the breaking points such as wars, fires, and earthquakes. Sometimes through silent agreements and emotional sufferings, or micro-affairs such as fights, love stories, conversations over a coffee, or trading personal objects; but the city continued to exist and evolve as a spatial phenomenon by the continuity of everyday life. &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; In the recent past Istanbul had gone through historically notable conflicts again. Many traumatic events happening at the societal level coincided. These varied from increasing femicide rates (represented in Zeren Göktan’s work “Monument Counter” 1), serial bombings occurred between September 2015 and December 2016 killing more than 500 people2, economic crisis, a coup emergency3, restrictions against accessing public squares, a global pandemic, mucilage problem in the Marmara Sea (a critical ecological warning)4, and many more. Going through&nbsp;these incidents, the public space’s meaning changed; and so did the spatial experience and the individuals’ relationship with the city and each other. While these incidents impacted and influenced major transformations in social dynamics, they also emerged as intangible blockages preventing being present in the public sphere and creating a sustainable social and spatial environment. Emre Erdoğan who studies polarization in Turkish society, states that dehumanization (seeing people as ideological or material entities without recognizing their human attributes, mental and emotional capacities) increases in recent years especially based on political identities.5, 6 This reminds APA’s definition of essentialism: “the view that certain categories [...] have an underlying reality or true nature that one cannot observe directly”.7 As retrievable from the definition, essentialism generates an understanding that people that one cannot identify are potentially dangerous, ill-natured, or evil. Even though the reasonings behind are mostly not realistic, dehumanization emerges as a fact in the social context. In this sense, it can be associated with the self-defence response in the case of trauma or continued stress where the anxiety felt in each unique case can be empathized but it is not easy to justify. <img width="4725" height="3544" width_o="4725" height_o="3544" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/3c990e2bcd86c24acff8ca387a8c8fe44a4eb7f66b895ade079c98d61142331a/COLLAGE-13-13.png" data-mid="151837844" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/3c990e2bcd86c24acff8ca387a8c8fe44a4eb7f66b895ade079c98d61142331a/COLLAGE-13-13.png" /> [Figure 2] - “Deafening Memories” &nbsp; &nbsp; As Sargın portrays, the mentioned reflex is inherited: “it is believed that the mode of Turkish Renaissance has revolved around the binary oppositions of `modern versus traditional’ and `secular versus religious’”.8, 9 Controversies and attempts of identifying an enemy can be discovered in these polarized historical narratives. Therefore, to understand the capacities of living together and urban resilience, one needs to look beyond these historical narratives, and challenge them by dissecting the ways everyday life had organically endured beneath conflicts. The inherited dynamism and multi-layered culture can be tools to provide the elasticity necessary for overcoming the contemporary conflicts. 1 ‘Anıt Sayaç : Şiddetten Ölen Kadınlar İçin Dijital Anıt’. Accessed 11 July 2022. http://anitsayac.com/. 2 BBC News Türkçe. ‘Türkiye’deki saldırılar: 18 ayda yaklaşık 500 kişi yaşamını yitirdi’, 21 December 2016. https://www.bbc.com/turkce/haberler-turkiye-38365351. 3 ‘Dakika dakika 15 Temmuz: Darbe girişiminde ne oldu ve neler yaşandı?’ Accessed 1 September 2022. https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/dakika-dakika-15-temmuz-darbe-girisiminde-ne-oldu-ve-neler-yasandi-1852640. 4 Hürriyet Daily News. ‘Mucilage in Marmara Sea Continues to Pose Threat, Study Shows - Türkiye News’. Accessed 1 September 2022. https://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/mucilage-in-marmara-sea-continues-to-pose-threat-study-shows-167820. 5 Emre Erdoğan. ‘Türkiye’de Kutuplaşma’. 405 / DörtYüzBeş. Accessed 15 December 2021. https://dortyuzbes.com/kutuplasma-emre-erdogan/dortyuzbes.com/kutuplasma-emre-erdogan/. 6&nbsp; ibid. 7&nbsp; APA. ‘Essentialism in Everyday Thought’. https://www.apa.org. Accessed 15 December 2021. https://www.apa.org/science/about/psa/2005/05/gelman. 8 Sargın, Güven Arif. ‘Displaced Memories, or the Architecture of Forgetting and Remembrance’. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 22, no. 5 (1 October 2004): 659–80. https://doi.org/10.1068/d311t. 9&nbsp; Tekeli, İlhan. Modernite Aşılırken Kent Planlamas| [Urban Planning at the Verge of Modernism]. Ankara: İmge Kitabevi, 2001. https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/METHODOLOGY Thu, 01 Sep 2022 14:37:18 +0000 Hi! Do I know you? https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/METHODOLOGY Chapter 2 – Research Methodology &nbsp; &nbsp; In this research the relationships between three abstract concepts are being examined: memory, identity and spatial perception. After presenting the literature research, these concepts are discussed and described in the context of this study. Subsequently, the remarks on public space and leisure activities are presented, and their significance in this study is described. After setting the theoretical framework by doing these, two case studies -the lost mesire and beach typologies of Istanbul- are probed. &nbsp; &nbsp; The methodology of the archival investigations is based on the examination and representation of archival material and the demonstration of abstract concepts research dwells on. The archival study is done by using non-academic, unofficial resources in order to better understand and represent the collective memory produced and shared by the public. Although further investigations in academic resources could provide more detailed information on the studied spaces, the aim of this research is to collect, understand, and demonstrate the ways these typologies are visualized in the imagination of the public and the way they resonate with the collective identity of these lost typologies. Therefore, the studied archival resources are picked as follows: oral histories, archival photos, illustrations, podcasts, newsletters, blog posts, newspapers, magazines, as well as fictional stories and novels, myths and legends. &nbsp; &nbsp; The study of these materials are done in several ways. The information obtained from podcast and audio narratives are visualized by sketches and notes on a continuous paper roll as they were listened. Archival photos are collected and categorized based on their locations. Newspaper articles, magazines, and newsletters were probed, and the parts that included narrated stories&nbsp;are cut out . This way, either fictional or non-fictional stories experienced and told relating these spaces were derived from multiple perceptions. Movies and videos were cut and categorized based on showing activities or physical spatial features. Songs were picked based on their relationship with the typologies and if they were descriptive of anything related with the space experience. The objects, activities, and characteristic attributes of these typologies which were found in more than five different resources were listed and described. Lastly maps were prepared showing the location of the meadows and beaches using the photographs, land and street/neighborhood names and connecting the old maps lacking the full list and location of these typologies. &nbsp; &nbsp; Everything gathered and visualized as the result of these studies are then put together in a designed database (this website). The database consists of a website that includes the actual materials and the records of the findings of this study. It includes three main sections: 1. the text, 2. the archive, 3. the models. In the archive section the method preferred for presenting the data and their depictions is based on the idea of keeping them in a non-hierarchal structure as much as the constraints of the used software allows. It aims to make strolling between different kinds of materials possible and to provide a chance for the personal interpretation of the collected data. This method tries to visualize and map these typologies, their culture and the identity, in the way that they are possibly structured in one’s mind. &nbsp; &nbsp; Additionally, two models complimenting this study are produced. They are designed as abstract representations of the adopted theoretical approach and will be furtherly explained in the following sections. The method of their production includes hand-crafting (the objects representing the elements of the spaces, the frames, the textiles, and the pulley system), cad modelling, and CNC milling. https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/THEORETICAL-FRAMEWORK Thu, 01 Sep 2022 14:44:17 +0000 Hi! Do I know you? https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/THEORETICAL-FRAMEWORK Chapter 3 – The Theoretical Framework <img width="1275" height="808" width_o="1275" height_o="808" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/1563622c96b22fc9bb80c14dbcff966c407aeffcf94d1fafc9f857b426d7570c/Picture1.png" data-mid="151842036" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/1563622c96b22fc9bb80c14dbcff966c407aeffcf94d1fafc9f857b426d7570c/Picture1.png" /> [Figure 3] - Movement Space &nbsp; &nbsp; The following chapter will set the theoretical framework for this study by investigating the relationships between memory, spatial perception and identity. The discussion will begin by presenting the literary research on memory’s relationship with the identity. Moving forward, the memory-identity relationship will be put in a spatial context by probing the ways we perceive and recall the space-time. Then, various perspectives on identity’s definition will be presented and its uncertainty within an everchanging space will be explored. Finally, the outcomes of this literary research will be discussed and put in a spatial-theoretical framework which is represented in two physical model complimenting this study and explained in following sections. The aim is to understand how identity conflicts reflect on or dwell on the spatial experience and how the relationships between the studied concepts construct social structures. By doing so, a theoretical approach will be developed for probing the case studies’ part in providing social cohesion and building a collective memory and identity. Identity and The Past &nbsp; &nbsp; According to Edward Casey, commemoration is a participatory act that is based on “intensified remembering”.10 As a memory is commemorated, the elements surrounding that memory becomes superposed in an alternative dimension and a new phenomenon is created.11 As the contemplations on a memory start, a past incident that is considered full-circle and solid, breaks into its essential parts and becomes “alive in the minds and bodies of commemorators”.12 This process, as Casey states, concludes in the creation of a ‘metaphysical superstructure of memory’13: an invented, cumulative, descriptive phenomenon, an identity. &nbsp; &nbsp; Similar to Casey, Jeffrey K. Olick recognizes the process of remembering as social and relational. He explains that the collective act of remembering can be probed via two perspectives. The first as an individualistic act of remembering that takes place in a social network; the second as the commemoration that is practiced with others over shared meanings of subjects and mnemonic tools.14 The first perspective can be found similar to Casey’s previously explained approach that defines a collectively constructed memory. It argues that individuals remember and make sense of a memory based on their own perception, background, and individual identity while the hierarchies and power relations between them determine the louder, more visible interpretations and create social identities. The second perspective Olick suggests portrays the elements of memory in a more static manner when compared to the first. According to this, the elements become meaningful either based on contemporary values and concerns that are created by behavioural or ideological patterns; or based on mnemonic practices and tools such as remembering by muscle memory.15 Summing up his approach, the process of recollection that happens while revisiting a memory, can be seen as an act of learning, naming, and understanding the elements constituting the memory and making sense of surroundings based on the accumulated knowledge of the past. The practical actualization of this recollection process in a collective setting, which can be better understood by probing Hobsbawm’s point of view that connects identity and space-time with rituals and spatial practices. &nbsp; &nbsp; As explained by Hobsbawm; conventions, routines, and rituals form traditions by repetition.16 In this sense, traditions can be interpreted in two ways. First, as an attitude: an act of making prioritizations between the aspects creating the space-time and selecting some aspects to be repeated or continued. From this perspective, the traditions necessarily contain a subjective layer and a hierarchy. Second; as concretized, almost tangible, and sometimes actually tangible interpretations of emotions, thoughts, actions, or objects constructing the space-time. Via intentional or unintentional processes, some aspects of the space-time become mnemonic tools that represent and build identities simultaneously. When put together these approaches and mnemonic elements form a complex and unpredictable nexus that describes the space identity based on the duality between being an attitude and a set of abstract or solid elements. The ubiquity suggested while defining the identity resonates in the way space is experienced, too. Spatial Perception And Narratives &nbsp; &nbsp; According to Pallasmaa, “the quality of a space or place is not merely a visual perceptual quality as it is usually assumed. The judgement of environmental character is a complex multi-sensory fusion of countless factors which are immediately and synthetically grasped as an overall atmosphere, ambience, feeling or mood.”.17 Therefore, the space can be realized as a ubiquitous concept, reciprocally constructing and being constructed by the experiencer and her interactions with the space via multiple senses. These multisensory interactions are especially significant for understanding the space perception while looking from a Deleuzo-Spinozist perspective. According to it, the relationship between the elements of a space can be observed as non-linear; meaning that the elements interact with each other in unpredictable and undirect ways while building the space as a phenomenon.18 Nevertheless, thee interactions and elements also share a common attribute: during the experience, they simultaneously become the input and the output of the space perception. This means that the elements creating the space gain new meanings as they are perceived, and these meanings become the new elements for further interpretations. Within this reciprocal process which can be described as ‘perception’, the space gains multiple subjective definitions and becomes the place. &nbsp; &nbsp; Ulrik Schmidt’s explanation of space perception aligns with the approach taken here to understand the process of space becoming the place. As he states, the space is ambient.19 During the experience of it, the space -with its tangible intangible elements- surrounds the experiencing body. While doing so, it stays as a ubiquitous, ever-changing concept: “all heterogenous elements and dimensions connect or mix in a synthesizing, univocal production” that is radically dynamic.20 As the space is perceived, the “sensory scope expand[s]”;21 the realization of the perception goes beyond sensing the physical space. In this process, the space is epistemologically and emotionally understood and acknowledged as a whole. Additionally, the perception indicates a ‘detached presence’ between the space and its observers: their participation in the space experience happens similar to a passenger’s.22 This aspect of perception can be imagined like walking in a very crowded street. In which case having a general understanding of the surroundings is possible but the experience lacks the opportunity to capture the full details. Consequently, the perceiver becomes a transiting, temporary aspect in the space and the “perception” becomes a dynamic, ambient, uncertain concept or act. Identity As A Dynamic Phenomenon <img width="1895" height="587" width_o="1895" height_o="587" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/8e4df354f3b1a25b18d8c2eab745b099d5830711897037dab8354cf3bcde3abf/Picture2.png" data-mid="151842039" border="0" data-scale="100" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/8e4df354f3b1a25b18d8c2eab745b099d5830711897037dab8354cf3bcde3abf/Picture2.png" /> [Figure 4] - Identity oscillates between historical narratives and memory &nbsp; &nbsp; According to different researchers, the distinction between “memory” and “history” carry a significant importance while understanding how the identity phenomenon is constructed through the perceptions and commemorations of space-time. From a perspective that recognizes the space and the memory as cumulative entities; the elements of a space&nbsp; define&nbsp; identities, while they gain meaning through perception. Having said that, from a perspective that recognizes the time and the space as linear structures, which can be named as “historicizing” the past, the historical narratives indicate clearly defined identities by suggesting organized, consistent and convincing stories. As Confino mentions, the politics of memory starts at this point: when the memory is considered as the “subjective experience of a group that essentially sustains a relationship of&nbsp;power”, the way a past story indicates an identity necessarily becomes an issue of narration, an issue of “who wants whom to remember what, and why”.23 Historicizing the past by narrating a space experience amplifies a certain way of understanding of the past and describes a certain memory amongst the others as the truth, the only possible perception. As the result, the multi-layered and cloud-like gatherings of various perceptions forming a memory, becomes fitted in singular narratives that are called as the ‘history’, as Megill puts it down: “a pseudo-objective discourse”.24 &nbsp; &nbsp; As Samuel states, the heritage [the memory and space] which is an “expressive totality, a seamless web, [...] is conceptualized as systemic” by being narrated: “projecting a unified set of meanings which are impervious to challenge.”.25 Accordingly, the cultural identity, or heritage as Samuel put, which is summarized and concretized in a single line story becomes closed to discussion. These narratives with a theme, an aim; a beginning and an end, portray suggested identities and doesnot leave room for individuals’ interpretations and spontaneity. Here, the conflicts between individual interpretations of space-time that collectively build an identity and the coherent narratives describing static identities begin. &nbsp; &nbsp; As Megill states: “Since historical particularism is often articulated in the language of memory, a tension is set up between history and memory. On the other hand, ‘history’ appears as a pseudo-objective discourse that rides roughshod over particular memories and identities, which claim to have an experiential reality and authenticity that history lacks. On the other hand, memory appears as an unmeasured discourse that, in the service of desire, makes claims for its own validity that cannot be justified.”26 On behalf of the history, a narrated, consistent story can contribute to providing a sense of safety and comfort and unite people under the concepts it provides. Ernest Renan explains these concepts in “What is a Nation?”. &nbsp; &nbsp; Based on Renan’s text, a common language, or a shared geographical spot can be uniting but as he states: “[m]ore valuable by far than common customs posts and frontiers conforming to strategic ideas is the fact of sharing, in the past, a glorious heritage and regrets, and of having, in the future, [a shared] programme to&nbsp;put into effect, or the fact of having suffered, enjoyed, and hoped together. These&nbsp;are the kinds of things that can be understood in spite of differences of race and language […] ‘having suffered together’ and, indeed, suffering in common unifies&nbsp;more than joy does.”.27 Renan’s elaborations on the ways nations form, examplifies the ways historical narratives develop and create nations. They also make Svetlana Boym’s conceptualization of nostalgia significant and helps understanding the concept of “restorative nostalgia” introduced by her and how it becomes effective in&nbsp; creating alternative futures. 28 &nbsp; &nbsp; Nostalgia can be understood as the longing for a memory. Similar to ‘identity’, this feeling may gain different meanings when it is approached from the two perspectives described before on space-time perception. From the “linear time” perspective, the memories of common sufferings, idealized futures, or ‘better’ pasts can be longed for. Nevertheless, this feeling gains a more complicated meaning, when approached from the other perspective,&nbsp; accepting the space-time as a nexus or a collective ubiquitous entity. In this case, the elements creating the space and their interactions become the memories themselves and altogether create the identity. When a piece from the complex identity is disfigured, the longing felt for this lost element resembles the loss of a part of one’s physical body and resonates as a conflict of identity.29 Svetlana Boym defines “reflective nostalgia” similar to this feeling of irritation: a controversy relating the identity.30 If this feeling is felt for future longings -if what is missed is a possible memory or identity; then this feeling can be considered as “restorative nostalgia” and it can be used as a productive tool to imagine alternative identities and space-time structures. While this type of nostalgia can become a beneficial virtue, the ways and reasons for creating these are questionable in terms of why, by who, and for whom they are created for as Burke pointed out.31 &nbsp; &nbsp; Overall, as Megill states a ‘common feature32, as Renan states as a ‘common suffering, a shared trauma, a language or a belief system’33 can be uniting. A commonality shared with other individuals can suggest a feeling of belonging, a description of self within a social structure and silence the annoying ambiguity.&nbsp; Suggested overarching narratives have the power to offer perspectives of rendering memories in a certain way -as definitive, clear, and static identities- and they can be tools to comprehend, categorize and make sense of our surroundings. Therefore, belonging to a social group, defining oneself using the tools suggested by singularly narrated pasts can become increasingly attractive as the struggles regarding the identity increases. A ‘grand history’ indicating a consistent identity can become a reference point, an instructions manual to calm down: to locate oneself in an actually complicated and complex network and to dim the voices of a self-destructive anxiety. In the end, as Megill suggests: “when identity becomes uncertain, memory rises in value”.34 Nevertheless, this discussion gets stuck in the question of who’s memory to refer and if it is inclusive of each of us.&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; As Megill contintues, “…The boundaries between history and memory nonetheless cannot be precisely established, [...] in the absence of a single, unquestioned authority or framework, the tension between history and memory cannot be resolved. […] Thus it is hard to know how the tension between the historical and the mnemonic can ever be overcome. It is certain that the sum of memories does not add up to history. It is equally certain that history does not by itself &nbsp;generate a collective consciousness, an identity, and that when it gets involved in projects of identity-formation and promotion, trouble results. Thus a boundary remains between history and memory that we can cross from time to time but that we cannot, and should not wish to, eliminate.”35 Summing up his thoughts, it can be said that the past can be interpreted differently as it is acknowledged through memories or histories, and the identity can&nbsp; actually be welcomed as a dynamic phenomenon moving between linearly narrated histories and cloud-like memory superstructures. &nbsp; Discussion &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; In the literature research the relationships between memory, identity, and the spatial perception are examined by introducing different perspectives and discussions on the topics. The relationships between these concepts are investigated via three approaches based on three takeaways. Firstly, identity is found to be in relation with the ways memories are remembered and this correlation is explored through social and spatial perspectives. Secondly, the space is realized as an everchanging, ubiquitous concept and by looking at the physical and intellectual practices, the space perception and the approaches towards narrating this experience are discovered. The differences between the narration of space and its genuine experience are questioned and the way the users engage with the surrounding space and its memory is redefined. Thirdly, the definitions of identity based on its relationship with memory, space, and their narrations are examined: the concepts of memory and history are discussed, and the identity is defined in this framework as a dynamic concept. In the following discussion, these outcomes will be explained and an abstract spatial-theoretical framework will be portrayed.&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; Dwelling on the literature research, the memories can be acknowledged as building blocks of individual and collective identities. They can be described asphenomena being formed as a space turns into a place by being perceived at a certain time, by a certain someone. In this sense they can be seen as multi-layered abstract constructs coming into existence in an intangible dimension by merging: the realizations of a physical space, the interactions between the physical elements creating this space (which indicate a reference to time) and abstract senses, meanings and emotions they evoke in the mind of a subjective experiencing body. By definition, an understanding of the memory as such appears to be spatial; but as critical for this study, it also has a social layer. Since this definition explains a single memory of a certain participant, it may be clear and easy to understand. However, when the totality of a spatial context is imagined; it is possible to realize that multiple participants, multiple memories and multiple states of a physical space clash and stand together. Therefore, it can be said that the aforementioned superstructure of the memory contains various meanings and references by the multiple experiences of a transforming physical spatiality. &nbsp; &nbsp; Although during a personal experience the meaning of space could be consistent and as narrow as an individual’s understanding of it, it is still not singular since the elements of the perceived space is relational. All different experiences of a space -memories- stand and occur in a nexus connecting them with the others. In this context, the accumulation of an individual’s spatial experiences (which by definition include a physical reality, a series of interactions -behaviour, and an abstract reality – thoughts, emotions and senses) can be defined as her individual identity. Building on this, the complex spatial context where these experiences clash and form a nexus, can be defined as the collective memory – a collective identity. As a consequence of these definitions, this study bases collective identity on spatial practices and their intellectual, sensory and emotional meanings. Therefore, the collective identity defined here is in deep relation with culture of occupying a space. &nbsp; &nbsp; With this approach, the ways different experiences bond with each other in a spatial context, define shared identities and how conflicts or harmonies form between individual identities. The relationship between the individual identity, collective identity and the spatial experience -in other words the memory- can be defined in this way. However, this definition stays short in discussing the way we recognize and recall our surroundings, and different identities in practice during an experience or within the inevitable social constructs such as hierarchal power relations or communities formed based on shared languages, backgrounds, or physical attributes. To be able to move forward we need to probe the ways spatial experiences are narrated and how these narrations are associated with genuine experiences of a physical space - which are explained as profoundly in touch with the individual and collective identities previously. &nbsp; &nbsp; Based on the studies probed in the literature research, the experience of a of a space, the space-time can be described as an uncertain, ambient, cloud-like entity which is in constant transformation. From this perspective, as Schmidt explains, the way one experiences the space can be found similar to a heightened experience example, a fast-train journey where it is possible to capture only parts of the complex network surrounding one and to have a sense that there is more to see, feel, learn, and understand but not being able to grasp the full material. Similarly, while looking at the complicated networks with the aim of narrating them, we stay restricted with our perceptive limits and feel obligated to set a perspective and a framework to be able convey what could be processed. Therefore, while constructing a historical narrative to describe a spatial experience, some of the elements standing in the nexus of the spatial superstructure are prioritized and picked out of their context. They are then put in a linear (frequently cause-and-effect relationship) that completes a consistent story. Since this is an inevitably subjective the process, the narration of a real or an imagined spatial experience becomes bound to be biased. &nbsp; &nbsp; As priorities are set, and events are listed based on the observer’s previous knowledge, subjectivity, or other pragmatic agendas; complex communities, great disasters or curious inventions are presented as summaries and turn into details in the woven fabric - &nbsp;a linear narrative, a story. Although the experience’s relational, multi-layered, multi-sensorial, and uncertain nature does not change, the time is rationalised by being put down in a narrational method. It adequately captures a way of relating two consecutive events. The work done here can be explained as reorganising the spatial elements: taking them out of their spatial context and simplifying the complex relationships they have with others, and creating a continuous, easy-to-understand line of events. Given that the consequences of these kind of narrations are questionable, the fact here is that the coincidental elements of a space -minor reactions and interactions such as family fights, mimics, small gestures, love stories, funerals or maybe relatively casual dinners that carry beyond negligible weight in the totality of the space- are insufficiently recognized while telling an ‘over-arching’ story. &nbsp; &nbsp; The critical part of this discussion lies in the fact that the linearly structured historical narratives describe identities as static and clearly defined which is not in line with the genuine experience of the space. When studied from bottom-up, by summing up the previous section, the participants and commemorators become present in a space as social beings since the bonds between them and the elements of the space and memory reproduce and gained different meanings. When pictured visually, during commemoration or perception each element, incident, or idea belonging to this space or memory becomes repositioned in a nexus that links each one to another. Consequently, the boundaries of time break. The elements constituting the memory gain significance beyond a restricted timeframe. &nbsp;This way, the links between today and the past are built and together they signify a “definition across space-time”: an identity that is not finite, that is in constant transformation and reproduced by each interaction and new interpretation. &nbsp; &nbsp; Contrarily, the linear narratives are capable of telling a singular interpretation and, as previously suggested, they define clear-cut identities. Due to their formation based on selective narration, they cannot be fully inclusive. They also cannot claim to be dynamic or objective. The concretized identities constructed by picking certain elements from uncertain memory clouds appears as a necessarily subjective process. Moreover, the aim to construct a consistent historical narrative itself, suggests a political stance or a certain ideology even if it occurs to be unintentional. Although, the narratives are derived from the interpretation based on the elements and interactions within a space or, even though they become elements of the same spatial context as becoming a part of the abstract layer; the non-dynamic and categorical descriptions narratives identify inorganically weigh more in complex superstructures and silence others via power relations. <img width="4725" height="3544" width_o="4725" height_o="3544" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/f547331ba420352f0e6d219f22eddfdb44f6c5fe1e737b5c546f53edc40b2c1f/REPORT-PICS-14.jpg" data-mid="152022861" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/f547331ba420352f0e6d219f22eddfdb44f6c5fe1e737b5c546f53edc40b2c1f/REPORT-PICS-14.jpg" /> [Figure 5] - Memory - History &nbsp; &nbsp; On the other hand, when the last section of the literature review is taken as a reference, the linear narratives and static identity definitions appear to be useful especially in conflicted social circumstances. Confusion and disorientation in complex situations, similar to the feelings felt by a person with amnesia or Alzheimer’s disease, can be cured by recognizing a familiar aspect from one’s memory, which can help making sense of one’s surroundings. In the lack of this, or when there are conflicts about identity, a suggested static and defined identity can be a tool teach one how to respond and tackle or bypass identity conflicts. &nbsp;Trust and safety can be provided via familiarity and consistency, although embracing the complexities of an individual identity and multiple identities becomes an issue in this case. &nbsp; &nbsp; In summary, different ways of narrating the memory and recognizing identities have different perks which become beneficial depending on changing spatial-social circumstances. Therefore, the identity -as a phenomenon that is accepted in this research as an everchanging entity- and the definition of a collective memory constantly oscillates between what is described by linear narratives and what is produced by the spatial experience. To suggest an inclusive spatial perspective and to discover possibilities of acknowledging all possible elements that take part in structuring the spatial superstructures, this study offers the investigation of shared identities through a non-linear approach acknowledging the ubiquitous and cumulative space phenomenon. This way, it aims to challenge the social polarization; recognize collectively formed memory superstructures (collective identities) and explore ways to non-hierarchally visualize these abstract concepts. So, how can we imagine the space to the extents of its complexity? How can we recognize and visualize the collective identity as organic, non-hierarchal, ever-changing entities beyond defining narratives? To answer these questions, spatial contexts that may present prolific complex interactions between its elements are investigated. As a result, public leisure spaces are identified as auspicious settings that may have a lot to offer in terms of building identities and resolving social conflicts and polarization. 10 Edward Casey. ‘From Remembering: A Phenomenological Study’. In The Collective Memory Reader, 187. New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 2011. 11 Edward Casey. ‘From Remembering: A Phenomenological Study’. In The Collective Memory Reader, 186. New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 2011. 12 ibid. 13 ibid. 14 Jeffrey K. Olick. ‘From “ Collective Memory: The Two Cultures”’. In The Collective Memory Reader, 225–228. New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 2011. 15 ibid. 16 Eric Hobsbawm. ‘From “Introduction: Inventing Traditions”’. In The Collective Memory Reader, 271–74. New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 2011. 17 Pallasmaa, Juhani. ‘Space, place and atmosphere. Emotion and peripherical perception in architectural experience’. Lebenswelt. Aesthetics and philosophy of experience., no. 4 (7 July 2014): 230. https://doi.org/10.13130/2240-9599/4202. 18 Gatens, Moira. ‘Feminism as “Password”: Re-Thinking the “Possible” with Spinoza and Deleuze’. Hypatia 15, no. 2 (2000): 63. 19 Ulrik Schmidt. ‘The Socioaesthetics of Being Surrounded Ambient Sociality and Contemporary Movement-Space’. In Socioaesthetics : Ambience - Imaginary / Edited by Anders Michelsen, Frederik Tygstrup, 26–39. Social and Critical Theory 19, n.d. 20 Ulrik Schmidt. ‘The Socioaesthetics of Being Surrounded Ambient Sociality and Contemporary Movement-Space’. In Socioaesthetics : Ambience - Imaginary / Edited by Anders Michelsen, Frederik Tygstrup, 31–32. Social and Critical Theory 19, n.d. 21 Ulrik Schmidt. ‘The Socioaesthetics of Being Surrounded Ambient Sociality and Contemporary Movement-Space’. In Socioaesthetics : Ambience - Imaginary / Edited by Anders Michelsen, Frederik Tygstrup, 33. Social and Critical Theory 19, n.d. 22 Ulrik Schmidt. ‘The Socioaesthetics of Being Surrounded Ambient Sociality and Contemporary Movement-Space’. In Socioaesthetics : Ambience - Imaginary / Edited by Anders Michelsen, Frederik Tygstrup, 33–35. Social and Critical Theory 19, n.d. 23&nbsp; Confino, Alon. ‘From “ Collective Memory and Cultural History: Problems of Method”’. In The Collective Memory Reader, 198. New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 2011. 24 Megill, Allan. ‘From “History, Memory, Identity”’. In The Collective Memory Reader, 193. New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 2011. 25 Samuel, Raphael. ‘From “Theaters of Memory”’. In The Collective Memory Reader, 261–64. New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 2011. 26 Megill, op. cit. 27 Ernest Renan. Extract from from ‘What Is a Nation’. p. 83. 28 Svetlana Boym. ‘From “Nostalgia and Its Discontents”’. The Collective Memory Reader, Oxford University Press, 2011, pp. 452-57. 29 ibid. 30 ibid. 31 Peter Burke. ‘From “History as Social Memory”’. The Collective Memory Reader, Oxford University Press, 2011, pp. 188-92. 32 Megill, op. cit. 33 Renan, op. cit. 34 Megill, op. cit. 35 Megill, op. cit. https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/PUBLIC-SPACE Thu, 01 Sep 2022 14:59:42 +0000 Hi! Do I know you? https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/PUBLIC-SPACE Chapter 4 – Public Space And The Istanbul Context <img width="4725" height="3544" width_o="4725" height_o="3544" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/5b6d8852e4c1d4dd8c2ce1d506420283a63419fd284963de400b12005487255a/ORAL-PRESENTATION-2-08.jpg" data-mid="151842817" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/5b6d8852e4c1d4dd8c2ce1d506420283a63419fd284963de400b12005487255a/ORAL-PRESENTATION-2-08.jpg" /> [Figure 6] - Ambient sociality (quote: Ulrik Schmidt [1]) Public Spaces And The Building Of A Collective Identity &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; Polat and Dostoğlu refer to Arendt to describe “the term ‘public’ as everything that can be seen and heard by everybody, and as the world that is common to all of us…”.36 This definition resonates with the way spatial superstructures are described previously and it signifies the public space as a potential focus for placing the abstract concepts examined, in the material world. The public space appears as effective in imagining Schmidt’s definition of the movement space, or discovering the relationships between elements forming the space, or observing social structures, conflicts and negotiations. &nbsp; &nbsp; Habermas, Sarah Lennox and Frank Lennox explain: “Public spaces and leisure activities [are] opening space for informality and experiential memory.”.37 Allowing the elements of the space to engage with each other in unpredictable, coincidental ways assists the construction of multiple narratives. They present the opportunity to proliferate the linear narratives which describes a single way of perceiving the space, introduce possibilities, options, and the extents of identity. By increasing the possibilities of micro negotiations which sustain the urban life, they contribute to the construction of urban resilience that specifically becomes valuable in crisis and conflicts. &nbsp; &nbsp; Richard Sennett sees the spaces where the collective memories accumulate without the constraints of descriptive narratives, as opportunities to resolve problems and to heal. As he states: “people can indeed deal with the wounds of memory in their life histories only by remembering well […] Remembering well requires reopening wounds in a particular way, one which people cannot do by themselves; remembering well requires a social structure in which people can address others across the boundaries of difference. This is the liberal hope for collective memory. […] By sharing rather than privatizing memories, communities might find a way to tell the truth about themselves.”.38 In other words, they can discover or agree on the definition of their identities. Since public spaces provide the environment for collective identity to develop independently and vigorously, they provide an accepting spatial context that results in an inclusive shared identity. &nbsp; &nbsp; In line with Sennett’s approach, Habermas defines the public space as “a social sphere where a public viewpoint can be produced and picked up by all.”.39 In a spatial context that includes many ethnicities, religions, and languages, the manner described by Habermas becomes critical to provide sustainability. By adopting this perspective, recognizing all parties constructing a space becomes a possibility. This approach allows the negotiations to take place and the participants to agree on a shared future and a shared identity. Public space sustains this by the providing the continuity of micro-discussions on incalculable matters. Mentioned interactions and attributes of public space emerge as critical issues in the context of Istanbul which is multi-layered and conflicted in sustaining urban dialogues. Therefore, this study probes public leisure space examples as they act as a catalyst to solve conflicts and build collective memories and investigates the ways people managed to stay together and negotiate the space in Istanbul before. The two typologies researched are chosen based on being scenes for informal place-making practices. Although they can be described as spatial typologies, they also are free topographies for people to appropriate, temporarily occupy and leave by erasing their traces. They are created and dismantled within short visits and become a part of the intangible, collectively created memory of a space. <img width="4725" height="3544" width_o="4725" height_o="3544" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/c04d12f6d6d2c12e081b0588bc628b0707f5139c380469912c3f5f98c94a59cd/ORAL-PRESENTATION-2-09.jpg" data-mid="151842837" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/c04d12f6d6d2c12e081b0588bc628b0707f5139c380469912c3f5f98c94a59cd/ORAL-PRESENTATION-2-09.jpg" />[Figure 7] -&nbsp; Space Formed by Experience (quote: Öznur Uşaklılar [2]) Discovering Istanbul’s Public Space &nbsp; &nbsp; Istanbul has a unique landscape due to the sea passing through the city by dividing it into two. The citizens’ relationship with this body of water creates curious circumstances on the shores and the hilly terrain causes introversive villages to form on the valleys; generating different ways of occupying the geography. The attempts of recognizing the city as a whole and bringing these unique ways of developed under a “Istanbul typology” becomes a challenge. On the other hand, these varying urban practices produce alternative way of representing the spatial perception which take place simultaneously and overlap in interesting ways. &nbsp; &nbsp; Alternating practices produce narratives differing from each other due to reinterpretations by various identities. While sharing the stories of spatial experiences, ‘performers’ create their own version and the audience understand them in their own unique ways. In a reciprocal, interactive exchange of knowledge, the shared stories pass from one to another with minimal transformations, like Chinese whispers. For example, a Muslim woman tells the ‘same’ story different than a Jewish child. When these alternating stories overlap, certain elements repeated in each version suggest a core and it becomes a part of the abstract layer of the space stands ready to be reinterpreted. &nbsp; &nbsp; Creating the common core of the narratives, the shared identities distilled from the collective memory, roots in the complex privacy-publicity relations in the city. In Istanbul, private life is not disconnected from the public life and invasions of the public space are common. The proposed ways of occupying the space by design are almost never followed. The manifestations of lifestyles in the common spaces define the public spheres. In İstanbul, this aspect becomes the most characteristic attribute. &nbsp; &nbsp; As Deniz Güner states, in Turkey (and Istanbul), “in discordance with the definitions in Western Europe, the relationship between the privacy and the publicity is not dependent on dualities […], instead, a rather permeable and ubiquitous structure can be noticed. […] The leisure spaces, whose boundaries are uncertain and where gradual transition between privacy and publicity is visible, can only be explained through a sovereignty metaphor describing the areas as transitory zones with borders that cannot be drawn. On the other hand, these leisure spaces with undefined and unclear borders can be recognized as public by the society, only if the social practices and rituals of coming together happening here accumulate in mental cartographies of the citizen.”.40&nbsp; In this sense, the public spaces in Istanbul can be realized as free spaces left open for appropriations and gain meaning through occupation and the perception of them in a certain way. The case studies picked, reflect these spatial concepts and characteristics. 36 Polat, Sibel, and Neslihan Dostoglu. ‘Measuring Place Identity in Public Open Spaces’. Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers - Urban Design and Planning 170 (15 February 2016): 1–14. https://doi.org/10.1680/jurdp.15.00031. 37 Habermas, Jürgen, Sara Lennox, and Frank Lennox. ‘The Public Sphere: An Encyclopedia Article (1964)’. New German Critique, no. 3 (1974): 49–55. https://doi.org/10.2307/487737. 38 Sennett, Richard. ‘From “Disturbing Memories”’. In The Collective Memory Reader, 284. New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 2011. 39 Habermas, Jürgen, Sara Lennox, and Frank Lennox. op. cit. 40 Deniz Güner. ‘Istanbul Kıyı Alanlarında Değişen Kamusallıklar’. Accessed 22 July 2022. https://archplus.net/de/istanbul-kiyi-alanlarinda-degisen-kamusalliklar/. https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/TYPOLOGIES Thu, 01 Sep 2022 15:18:05 +0000 Hi! Do I know you? https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/TYPOLOGIES Chapter 5 – The Case Studies Mesire [Meadow] Typology: <img width="4725" height="3545" width_o="4725" height_o="3545" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/9d5786f88423782f7b87691748691bdf535bcb68137f8e298bf9482f46f958a6/REPORT-PICS-17.jpg" data-mid="152022870" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/9d5786f88423782f7b87691748691bdf535bcb68137f8e298bf9482f46f958a6/REPORT-PICS-17.jpg" /> [Figure 8] - Mesires &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; Mesires were lands located amongst Bosporus, mostly between two hills due to being protected green lands, or on top of the hills for better scenery. They were located around the rivers that poured into the Bosphorus or on the hills of Istanbul observing the landscape with oak and ash trees, orchards, and the sea. They were mostly preferred for their fresh air, beautiful scenery and the clean water resources.41 They were free, green lands activated with leisure activities as they were visited in spring-summer times.42 Except for the temporarily built pavilions or summer mansions (such as the ones in Kağıthane 43), they were mostly unoccupied landscapes that can be called described as urban only for a certain period of time.&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; Although each mesire was popular in different times of the year due to the weather and topography conditions and social parameters affecting their popularity, they were actively used when the seasons turned to spring or summer and the weather allowed spending time out in the nature. For a long period of time, especially when the land was under the Ottoman control, mesires developed their own culture via the appropriations and negotiations of their users. Since they were natural landscapes without significant artificial design interventions, they were occupied and manipulated based on the possibilities the topography proposed, the creative limits of the public and the social contracts between the society provided. &nbsp; &nbsp; While they opened space for being present in the nature and engaging with the ‘virgin’ landscape; they also introduced interesting urban circumstances by being the stages for creative, spontaneous, instinctive ways to occupy the space. Consequently, they also hosted equally unpredictable, sometimes whimsical, social encounters and dialogues. In this sense, they appear as unique settings to observe the social relations; political, economic, cultural, and trivial discussions within the society that may reflect on the spatial practices. Through this perspective, they can be considered as social structures that have the ability to portray the organic development of a society through silent negotiations and impulsive reactions without predetermined agendas except for the ones that had already been openly or secretly discussed, accepted, and internalized by the participants of the community.&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; They also have the ability to reflect the extents of the cultural identity of a society by including the bad memories that Sennett mentions44, the traumas, silenced communities, prejudices, inequalities, lies and many more controversial aspects in its collective memory which can be realized at less controlled, less organized experiences of a space. By focusing on the information that is circulated outside the organized, narrated resources; this study aims to capture these trivial and disregarded aspects that construct the space together with other constructive information. It aims to capture the collective memory that constitutes the space identity and the cultural identity that can be realized by overlapping the multiple experiences of multiple visits to the mesire. &nbsp; &nbsp; As aforementioned, each mesire had its own attributes. Below you may find the significant aspects of some mesires listed based on the information collected mainly from Uğur Göktaş’s “Kartpostallarda Mesireler” [Mesires in Postcards]45 and the podcast Kültür &amp; Tarih Sohhbetleri [Conversations of Culture and History] that hosts Prof. Dr. Ali Şükrü Çoruk46: Kağıthane Meadow: it was popular in spring for six weeks before it gets too hot in the summer.47 It also hosted official ceremonies and festivities beside casual visits of the public. The entertainments here included the activities on the way to and from here. Göksu Meadow: It became public in the era of Sultan II. Abdülhamit. It was surrounded by tall trees. It was popular in summers, until the autumn. It was famous for its corn, pottery and helva.It was also famous for the shadow puppet shows and theatre in the round that presented by Kavuklu Hamdi, Funny Şevki, Little İsmail and Şeyh Hakkı. The shabby coffee house called ‘ Dörtkardeşler’ [Four Siblings] was also famous.48 Küçüksu Meadow: It was very close to Göksu and hosted the same crowd coming from there. It was famous for welcoming important figures from the literature circles. 49 Beykoz Meadow: It was famous for hunting activities. Artisan guilds had their ceremonies here. Çırpıcı Meadow: It hosted the Arab communities herb-picking festivals and famous for its artisan and rascal visitors. The black communities also had their ceremonies here and these were known for excluding the people that are not from the community.50 This meadow had their own ways of flirting between men and women. Büyüdere Meadow: The foreign travellers visited and mentioned this meadow in their journals very often. Many mansions and buildings were constructed here later.51 Beşiktaş Meadow: &nbsp;It was very crowded and popular due to being in the city centre. It had a dense vegetation of willow, ash and mastic trees.52 Sarıyer Meadow: &nbsp;It was famous for its &nbsp;water springs &nbsp;-Çırçır, Kestane, Fındık, Hünkar, Şifa- &nbsp;&nbsp;due to the beliefs that they will provide health and good luck.53 Çamlıca Meadow: &nbsp;It was visited on Sundays. The &nbsp;municipality gardens nearby was famous for its &nbsp;lighting. People from places called Alemdağ, Taşdelen, and&nbsp;&nbsp;Üsküdar&nbsp;&nbsp;were very interested in this mesire and convoys at early hours operated for bringing people here for day-long activities.54 Haydarpaşa Meadow: It was famous for the tents and wood shelters that hosted wrestling contests, shows, theatre-in-the-round and puppet shows, live music activities. It was crowded with venders. Kuşdili Meadow: It was &nbsp;reached by boats and oxcarts. It was popular between young people coming to find spouses. According to Mehmet Selahattin, it had a very popular swing and it was popular to walk towards Fikir Tepe [Fikir Hill] promenade.55 Going back to the definition of the mesires, it is important to point out that the word “mesire” did not directly describe a physical space but a state and the perception of a physical space.56 In this sense, the definition of mesire stand in line with the approach this research takes while acknowledging the space as the sum of the physical space, elements and interactions taking place in relation with it and the meanings and interpretations derived from these multi-layered structures. Although in terms of physical landscape they were basically meadows, these places were named as “mesires” when they were occupied by the people for practicing leisure activities. These activities had varied from sports activities to flirting, festivals to long walks. Some of them that are repeated often in the open-access resources, photos, songs lyrics, oral histories and movies. The ones that are identified within the scope of this research can be listed as follows: o &nbsp; Watching the scenery o &nbsp; Smoking pipe o &nbsp; Drinking coffee o &nbsp; Picnics o &nbsp; “Tespih çekmek” [counting beeds] o &nbsp; “Tenezzüh” [promenade] o &nbsp; “Seyre çıkmak” [sailing for watching the scenery, cruising] o &nbsp; “Mehtaba Çıkmak” [sailing, cruising or walking at night in the full-moon] o &nbsp; Sports activities – wrestling, cirit, football o &nbsp; Games – running with a stone, throwing stone, swing o &nbsp; “Fasıl” [live music] o &nbsp; Chatting o &nbsp; Snacking o &nbsp; Shows and story-telling – meddah, theatre in a round, shadow puppet o &nbsp; Acrobats o &nbsp; Animal trainers’ shows o &nbsp; Feists o &nbsp; Celebrations – Hıdrellez o &nbsp; Sitting in the tree shades The listed activities indicate the interactions between the elements which temporarily became present in the mesires. These elements occupied the meadows which were previously described as free landscapes open for manipulation. They then activated the physical space via appropriations of the landscape and interactions between each other. In this context elements were loaded with metaphores and each colour had a meaning as Ünal explains.57 Some of these elements can be listed mentioned in open-access resources as follows: o &nbsp; Row boats o &nbsp; Oxcarts o &nbsp; İhram [floor blankets] o &nbsp; Carpet o &nbsp; Food çıkıns [bundles] and baskets o &nbsp; Musical Instruments – ney, zurna, rebab, def, mandoline… o &nbsp; Candles put on turtoise – in the Tulip Era specifically, at the nights with full-moon, candles were put on the trained turtoises’ shells and strolled around the mesires o &nbsp; Handkerchief o &nbsp; Flower bundles or single flowers o &nbsp; Venders – muhallebici, sherbet vender, helva vender, macun vender, icecream vender... o &nbsp; Venders’ folding stools, carts, pots… o &nbsp; Music o &nbsp; Laughter o &nbsp; Venders’ yellings o &nbsp; Water Sound o &nbsp; Wind o &nbsp; Trees’ sounds o &nbsp; Smell of spring flowers and trees &nbsp; &nbsp; As observed in many stories and resources that tell about the typology, the listed elements and many more interacted in mesires. These objects, people, animals, rituals, activities, and the landscape itself describe an idea, an identity, of mesire. Although these landscapes are mostly long gone, as does some of the elements and rituals mentioned; it is possible to observe reminiscents of mesire culture today in varying spatial constructs. Such as picnics by the water or in the parks, bringing in prepared food, venders or motorcycle couirers bringing food and more. &nbsp; &nbsp; What is embedded in the collective memory from these typologies that is still significant in the contemporary context is found to be the culture of appropriating the landscape through mediating the boundaries between private and public. While this appears as a continued ritualistic practice, it also appears to be a necessity that provides social interaction and an organic system for negotiating the social boundaries and experiment encounters other aspects of the same community. This practice can be recognized as critical to form a homogenous community that builds a collective memory together. By bringing in their knowledge, emotions, and tangible and intangible baggages to the stage that provides a chance to perform as themselves, they actually become visible to other participants of the community, get in relation with other elements of the space-time and take role in the formation of the abstract layer defined as the tertiary aspect of space in this research. As a result, they take their place in the collective memory of the space as they also introduce their own ways of practically occupying the space, their ways of interacting with the other elements of the space and their physical and non-physical tools to be present in the space. By doing so, they reshape and contribute to the creation of a cumulative identity. &nbsp; &nbsp; In this research mesires are studied in line with the adopted theoretical framework. Firstly, they are described based on the attributes of mesires as a physical space: the topography, the landscape, the reason of occupying them are explained. Secondly, the elements and interactions taken place on these lands are presented. Finally, the meaning and significance of these lands in the collective memory of Istanbul are described and their function in terms of providing social cohesion through unauthorized leisure activities are discussed. The archival material that better demonstrates the multisensory, multi-layered structure of mesires’ collective identity, can be found on the website produced as the result of this research, which conveys the information more in line with the nature of spatial experience.41 Ertan, Ünal. ‘İstanbul’un Mesireleri’. fotokart (blog), 13 October 2020. https://www.fotokart.shop/blog/istanbulun-mesireleri/. 42 Karay, Refik Halid. ‘Hafta Konuşması - İstanbul’un Çayırları’, n.d. Istanbul Sehir Universitesi Repository. https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/38305823.pdf. 43 Gürbey, Hiz. ‘[Ç]: Çayır’. Manifold. Accessed 19 June 2022. https://manifold.press/c-cayir. 44 Sennett, Richard, op. cit. 45 Göktaş, Uğur. ‘Kartpostallarda Mesireler’. Https://Openaccess.Marmara.Edu.Tr/Server/Api/Core/Bitstreams/Aa3261f9-B82d-4079-A55b-Bacda958a09f/Content, n.d. Kişisel Arşivlerde İstanbul Belleği Taha Toros Arşivi. 46 Kültür &amp; Tarih Sohbetleri. ‘Dr Ali Şürü Çoruk Ile Osmanlı İstanbulun’da Eğlence Kültürü’, n.d. https://open.spotify.com/episode/1LvWQ6rNoSHmVfymQ34Axv?si=489882cf96b04db3. 47 Göktaş, op. cit. 48 ibid. 49 ibid. 50 Mehmet Selahattin. ‘Küçüksu’da Birkaç Saat’. Milliyet Gazetesi, 13 August 1932, sec. İstanbul Cuma Günleri Nasıl Eğleniyor. İstanbul Üniversitesi Gazeteden Tarihe Bakış Projesi. http://nek.istanbul.edu.tr:4444/ekos/GAZETE/milliyet//milliyet_1932/milliyet_1932_agustos_/milliyet_1932_agustos_13_.pdf. 51 Halûk Şehsuvaroğlu. ‘Büyükdere Mesiresi’, n.d. Istanbul Sehir Universitesi Repository. https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/38303316.pdf. 52 Göktaş, op. cit. 53 ibid. 54 ibid 55 Mehmet Selahattin. ‘Kurbağalıdere’de Bir Pelikan Olmak #31 - Kurbağalıdere Fikir Tepesi’. Aposto. Accessed 3 September 2022. https://www.apos.to/i/62864495a9837a0007abd38e. 56 Karay, Refik Halid, op. cit. 57 Ünal, op. cit. Plaj[Beach] Typology: <img width="4725" height="3544" width_o="4725" height_o="3544" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/2ea47303b4fcc84700b6902452c7a4af749c74281a519e5d4d22a96184c715e0/ORAL-PRESENTATION-2-23.jpg" data-mid="151846128" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/2ea47303b4fcc84700b6902452c7a4af749c74281a519e5d4d22a96184c715e0/ORAL-PRESENTATION-2-23.jpg" /> &nbsp; &nbsp; [Figure 9] - Plajs &nbsp; &nbsp; Istanbul’s relationship with the sea had been very restricted for long centuries. Although the city can be described physically by two peninsulas reaching towards each other from Asia and Europe, the urban life in the city had not been in relation with the sea surrounding it, although it carried the potential to do so. One significant aspect from Istanbul’s collective memory which proves an intimate interaction between the urban context and the sea, is the almost lost beach typology. Unfortunately, the culture of occupying the shores for leisure activities and interaction with the water in such a way was only popular for a restricted time and space in the city’s past. At those instances, on the areas where the land merged with the sea typology called ‘plaj’ were produced. &nbsp; &nbsp; The culture of using beaches started with the arrival of White Russians as they ran away from Russia and settled in Istanbul after.58 Before that the culture of getting into the sea was restricted with structures called sea baths.59 Contradicting with the open and welcoming beach typology, sea baths were closed, introversive structures that were used for dipping in the sea for cooling down using the ‘court-yard’, the pool created in the centre of these structure. They were separate for men and women it was forbidden to get out of these structures by swimming. &nbsp; &nbsp; As Feza Kürkçüoğlu mentions in the “İstanbul’un Sayfiyeleri ve Plajları [Istanbul’s Vacation Places and Beaches] episode of the podcast Istanbul Ansiklopedisi [Istanbul Encyclopedia], in 1920s after the arrival of white Russians, the first beach was established as Florya beach by Big Alexander and Small Alexander.60 After Solaryum and Haylayf Beaches many others followed these.61 In 1930s, beaches were formed by placing facilities on the already existing topographies to fullfill the needs: they were adopting a very different manner &nbsp;than the previous sea baths. As Akçura explains, in this period, the ferries operated by Şirket-i Hayriye (one of the rare private establishments left from Ottoman Empire) increases the frequenct of round-trips and this results in an icreased interest in beaches.62 &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Just for a limited time before the coastal road was built in 1960 by filling the sea to connect the villages located on the shores of the Bosphorus, the beaches around Istanbul were used extensively. Quoting Kürkçüoğlu: “When it is 1980s; with the Marmara Sea getting dirty and the shores becoming zoned for construction, the plaj culture gets interrupted.”.63 Similar to mesires, they were accessible for many and were occupied temporarily by the people living in Istanbul without leaving much of a trace after leaving. &nbsp; &nbsp; The beaches, in terms of a physical space, could be described as sandy landscapes that descend into the sea, with temporary cabins and jumping/diving towers and “gazinos” on them. Gazinos on the beaches were structures that included facilities from bathrooms, snack bars, restaurants, to spaces for entertainment such as a stage, a dance ring and a night club.64 These places staged many concerts and shows in the summers, hosting renowned artists.65 People living nearby sometimes rowed with boats to the shores of the beaches to listen, drink, and sing along to the songs. Beside the shows, they hosted beauty pageants, games, and competitions. &nbsp;They were multipurpose entertainment and leisure spaces like the sandy topographies they compliment. &nbsp; &nbsp; Each beach had its unique attributes beyond these shared aspects. These can be stated as follows based mostly on Gökhan Akçura’s article “Bir foto öykü: İstanbul’un ilk plajları” [A photo-narrative: İstanbul’s First Beaches]66, the podcast episode “İstanbul’un Sayfiyeleri ve Plajları” [Istanbul’s Vacation Places and Beaches]67 and “Eski İstanbul Plajları: Caddebostan’dan Florya’ya Nostalji” [Istanbul’s Old Beaches: Nostalgia from Caddesbostan to Florya]68: Florya Beach: It initiates the beach &nbsp;culture by being the first established beach operated by Big Alexander and Small Alexander, after the arrival of White Russians and their use of the sea here. With the visits of political figures, its popularity increases.69 Caddebostan Beach:&nbsp; According to İstanbul Encyclopedia by Reşat Ekrem Koçu it was previously named as “Cadıbostanı”.70 It was established as a coffee house by Dimitri and his partner. The sandy shore next to thhe coffeehouse was in the service of the ones that preferred swimming. A characteristic feature of the beach is the magnolia tree that stands in the middle of the beach that people lied in its shade. 71 Altınkum Plajı: It starts operating in 1930s, and becomes popular when Şiret-i Hayriye starts running it.72 Special shows and programmes are organized here and on the ferries travelling there and back. The most characteristic attribute of it is having a small sandy beach and a seperate gazino up on the hill. This way as Mehmet Selahattin praises, it provides a feeling of privacy.73 Büyükdere Beyaz Park Beach: it starts aoperating as two sea baths (one for women&nbsp;one for men) and a gazino in between facing the sea. &nbsp;Then it turns in a mixed beach by the support of political figures.74 The most characteristic element on this beach is its 3-storey, diving-deck tower. Fenerbahçe Beach: It is renowned for being the “most democract” beach of the republican history since the entrance was free. Besides this, It includes a section seperated for women called “harem” due to the discussion lasting after the republican transformations.75 Salacak Beach: As Mehmet Selahattin describes, Salacak is considered to be the beach with the best view and best live music.76 Although there were complaints about the service, it was cherished fort he view, the music and the colorful bulbs illuminating the shore at night.&nbsp; Moda Beach: according to Akçura the first sea bath in İstanbul is assumed to be constructed here.77 The beach here lasts until the last quarted of the 20th century. &nbsp;It includes a section seperated for women. It is famous for obtaining a very long deck and a tall diving tower. It is also famous for its part taken on the 1st of July – The Cabotage Celebrations.78 Yörükali Beach: The history of this beach goes back to 19th century. While it was named as “Yorgoli” with the law of changing names into Turkish, it becomes Yorgo Ali.79 In 1934, with the contribution ot “Beautifying the Islands Community”, the beach was refurbished and with the deck built in this renovation, the ferries begin stopping by the beach.80 Küçüksu Beach: Şirket-i Hayriye builds the beach and the gazino in the scope of improving the Bosphorus. There was a sandy beach, a hardwood dance ring, a very much appreciated landscape design with various flowers.81 Şirket-i Hayriye also tries to maket he nightlife livelier and organize events. The beach is preferred due to its closeness to the city centre. Suadiye Beach: It is easily accessed by train, ferry and bus trips. The reliefs on its walls were famous. The road leading to the beach was asphalt and surrounded by lines of trees. The entrance fee was 35 Kuruş in 1940s.82&nbsp; The most significant aspect of it was the stairs descending into the sea and being illuminated at night for night swims. It always had boats and motors close by of people coming to see or listen to the shows without paying. &nbsp; &nbsp; The beaches staged different ways of occupying the place like mesires. Especially free topographies were redesigned everyday by each visitor laying their towels on the grounds, children spreading their toys and buckets around and young people throwing beach balls to each other. The elements constructing the space had changed each day and they recreated the space while building on the collectibve memory of the İstanbul beaches. With changing fashion preferences, technologies and music styles, the aspects forming the beach identity transformed but they equally too their place in the memory shared based on these typologies. Some elements that are detetcted in resources such as photographs, magazines, videos, movies and posters can be found listed below: o &nbsp; Changing cabins o &nbsp; Umbrellas o &nbsp; Boats o &nbsp; Swimsuits o &nbsp; Towels o &nbsp; Straw mats o &nbsp; Showers o &nbsp; Buckets and showels o &nbsp; Rackets o &nbsp; Balls o &nbsp; Music o &nbsp; Magazines and books o &nbsp; Sunglasses o &nbsp; Venders – corn venders, simit venders o &nbsp; Venders’ stools and carts o &nbsp; Photographers and their cameras o &nbsp; Ice cream stands o &nbsp; Lifeguards o &nbsp; Lifeguards’ towers and boats o &nbsp; Jumping towers o &nbsp; Diving decks o &nbsp; Decks o &nbsp; Fruits and other summer food o &nbsp; Venders’ shouts &nbsp; &nbsp; These aspects get in touch with each other on the beaches creating the stories that are repeatedly told while describing the experience of beaches as a lost leisure space. The ritual repeated and gained significance in the collective memory of İstanbul. Some of which are listed below: o &nbsp; Beauty Pageants o &nbsp; Swimming races o &nbsp; Jumping Races o &nbsp; Beach games o &nbsp; Sports such as beachvolley o &nbsp; Dancing o &nbsp; Concerts and shows o &nbsp; Eating snacks o &nbsp; Queueing in front of venders o &nbsp; Building sandcastles, playing with the sand o &nbsp; Swimming o &nbsp; Diving o &nbsp; Jumping o &nbsp; Reading magazines and books o &nbsp; Listening to the music o &nbsp; Sunbathing o &nbsp; Fishing &nbsp; &nbsp; These rituals and the people, elements, and the sandy landscapes perform them together by interacting with each other in different times and unique ways. What is spotted as significant in these rituals is the feeling of freedom provided by the combination of elements creating the space in a unique way. Some of the aspects that are realized as contributing to this feeling of freedom and safety begin with the texture of the topography that provides a mostly physically safe landscape that allows more challenging physical activities to be performed. Adding on this, the comfortable conditions provided by the options the physical environment suggests -such as cooling off by getting into the sea and drying easily under the warm sun- suggests a certain level of comfort, ease, and therefore safety. &nbsp; &nbsp; When it comes to the temporary elements creating the space, the freedom to organize the space that is going to ‘owned’ for the length of the visit answers the need of creating a marking a safe territory in an open and public space. Dwelling on this idea and feeling, similar to the mesires, appropriation of space becomes a tool for presenting one’s self within a public context and with a level expectancy of acceptance and acknowledgement implicitely imposed on others. When the vulnerability accepted added to this spatial context (by exposing one’s body relatively more than it is done in many other public spaces) the perception of space becomes affected by many pre-negotiated and accepted social contracts between the participants of the space even before the physical experience of the space begins. &nbsp; &nbsp; Finally with the activities considered to be a part of the culture of occupying space being mostly physical and game-like, the participants of the space start engaging with each other in a way to quickly learn about each other, build memories and solutions together and familiarize with one another. As a result an environment of safety and inclusivity is build via sharing the experience of space and the physical space itself. These aspects can be implemented in future designs and investigations on spatial studies beyond the restrictions of time or a certain space. The aspects providing an inclusive experience within these spaces and within the scope of leisure activities indicate the ways that the participants of a space can build bonds with each other, construct a collective memory together and agree on the terms of a shared social/cumulative identity while being present with individual identities that the boundaries within the public space is being negotiated thorugh an experience. The silent or actual dialogue started in this context can possible provide a solution between different individuals or result in an organic conflict or disagreement which will keep reiteration in further encounters. &nbsp; &nbsp; Further information on Istanbul’s lost beach culture can be discovered in the archival website complimenting this study. There, the elements of space and the stories they produced are presented in a non-hierarchal way. They are gathered from open access resources and picked based on the higher possibility of being reached by anyone that may get in touch with these spatial typologies. It aims to gather the collective memory surrounding Istanbul’s lost beaches and portray its cultural identity in a multisensorial way.&nbsp;58 Pera Museum. ‘Seaside Leisure’, 12 April 2018. https://www.peramuseum.org/blog/seaside-leisure/1324. 59 ‘Eski İstanbul Plajlarının Öyküleri’. Accessed 19 June 2022. http://aykiriakademi.com/ayrkiri-akademi-yasam/aykiri-akademi-yasam-kent-kulturu/eski-istanbul-plajlarinin-oykuleri. 60 Kürkçüoğlu, Feza, Kansu Şarman, and Cem Erciyes. ‘“İstanbul’un Sayfiyeleri ve Plajları [Istanbul’s Vacation Places and Beaches]’. Istanbul Ansiklopedisi [Istanbul Encyclopedia], n.d. https://open.spotify.com/episode/1LvWQ6rNoSHmVfymQ34Axv?si=489882cf96b04db3. 61 İçer, Tuğba. ‘Ortak Dil Oluşturma Mekanı Olarak İstanbul’un Plajları’. Mikroscope (blog), 14 September 2021. https://www.mikro-scope.com/laboratuvar/ortak-dil-olusturma-mekani-olarak-istanbulun-plajlari/. 62 Akçura, Gökhan. ‘Bir foto öykü: İstanbul’un ilk plajları’. İST Dergi. İBB - Kültür A.Ş., 4 June 2021. https://www.istdergi.com/tarih-belge/bir-foto-oyku-istanbulun-ilk-plajlari. 63 Kürkçüoğlu, Feza. ‘Selam olsun bir zamanların “hürriyet diyarı”na’. 1+1 Express, 10 August 2019. https://birartibir.org/selam-olsun-bir-zamanlarin-hurriyet-diyarina/. 64 Toprak, Zafer. ‘Deniz Hamamından Plaja Bir Nostaljinin Öyküsü / From Sea Baths to Beaches - A Story of Nostalgia’. Accessed 18 June 2022. https://www.academia.edu/36359783/Deniz_Hamam%C4%B1ndan_Plaja_Bir_Nostaljinin_%C3%96yk%C3%BCs%C3%BC_From_Sea_Baths_to_Beaches_A_Story_of_Nostalgia. 65 ibid. 66 Akçura, op. cit. 67 &nbsp;Feza Kürkçüoğlu, et al. Op.cit. 68 theMagger. ‘Eski İstanbul Plajları: Caddebostan’dan Florya’ya Nostalji • theMagger’, 3 May 2018. https://www.themagger.com/istanbul-eski-plajlari/. 69 Akçura, op. cit. 70 Koçu, Reşat Ekrem. İstanbul Ansiklopedisi, 1958. http://archive.org/details/istansiklopedisi_201912. 71 Akçura, op.cit. 72 ibid. 73 Selahattin, Mehmet. ‘Altınkum’da Yüzenler ve Eğlenenler’. Milliyet Gazetesi, 27 June 1929, sec. İstanbul Cuma Günleri Nasıl Eğleniyor. İstanbul Üniversitesi Gazeteden Tarihe Bakış Projesi. http://nek.istanbul.edu.tr:4444/ekos/GAZETE/milliyet//milliyet_1929/milliyet_1929_temmuz_/milliyet_1929_temmuz_27_.pdf?utm_source=aposto. 74 Akçura, op.cit. 75 ibid. 76 Mehmet Selahattin. ‘Salacak Sahillerinde Bir Saat’. Milliyet Gazetesi, 27 June 1931, http://nek.istanbul.edu.tr:4444/ekos/GAZETE/milliyet//milliyet_1931/milliyet_1931_haziran_/milliyet_1931_haziran_27_.pdf?utm_source=aposto. İstanbul Üniversitesi Gazeteden Tarihe Bakış Projesi. 77 Akçura, op.cit. 78 Eski İstanbul Plajlarının Öyküleri. http://aykiriakademi.com/ayrkiri-akademi-yasam/aykiri-akademi-yasam-kent-kulturu/eski-istanbul-plajlarinin-oykuleri. Accessed 19 June 2022. 79 Göktuğ İpek. ‘Eşekten Inip Ata Bindik #41 - Yorgoli’den Yörükali’ye’. Aposto, https://www.apos.to/i/62e782fce8bfc200061a650c. Accessed 3 Sept. 2022. 80 Akçura, op.cit. 81 ibid. 82 ibid. https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/CONCEPTUALIZING Thu, 01 Sep 2022 15:44:15 +0000 Hi! Do I know you? https://lostleisurespacesofistanbul.cargo.site/CONCEPTUALIZING Chapter 6 – Conceptualizing The Spactial Perception <img width="4726" height="3544" width_o="4726" height_o="3544" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/267abd619231de0ff83801dfa87bf77a465c7970c20a762e3bd9917d5da790ac/REPORT-PICS-05.jpg" data-mid="152022952" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/267abd619231de0ff83801dfa87bf77a465c7970c20a762e3bd9917d5da790ac/REPORT-PICS-05.jpg" /> [Figure 10] - Concepts from Literature Review &nbsp; &nbsp; Here, the outcomes of literature review and the exploration of public spaces and leisure activities are gathered in order to offer an abstract conceptualization of the spatial perception and the collective identity. The space and memory are recognized as transforming, uncertain and abstract phenomena within the theoretical framework of this research, but they are still realized as deeply in relation with the physical space. In this section, the possible physical representation of the space’s abstract conceptualization will be introduced. &nbsp; &nbsp; While the space is accepted as a set of complexly related elements, the elements creating the space can be categorized and organized in non-hierarchal ways. The constituents forming the space experience can be described in three sections:&nbsp; 1. &nbsp;&nbsp; The physical space: The sensory features of a space that can be physically perceived at an experience such as sounds, textures, smells, colours and more. All together they form the physicality of the space. 2. &nbsp;&nbsp; The elements within the space (including the subjective participants) and their interactions with each other: the momentary, transient aspects within a space. These introduce the concept of time in the spatial perception. 3. &nbsp;&nbsp; The meanings, ideas, senses, and emotions that are iterated in relation to this spatial context: the abstract layer constituting the space which gives it the attribute of becoming the place. It is the layer that is formed by the accumulation of subjective interpretations. &nbsp; &nbsp; Based on this conceptualization, the elements of mesire and plaj typologies are determined and categorized under these components. As they were landscapes that became urban settings via temporary occupations and appropriations, beaches and meadows offered an opportunity to clearly distinguish the physical space as the first component from the temporary activities and occupations creating the second component of the spatial conceptualization. &nbsp; &nbsp; The landscapes the sandy beaches and the meadows are determined as the aspects creating the first component. Although they included the vegetation, the weather conditions, the soundsand smells, colours and textures, and many more physical features, in this model they are represented in an abstract manner by using plywood topography models and created the bases of the model. The base of the meadow model is derived from the section of Istanbul topography model that includes Küçüksu and Göksu Meadows, hills looking over them, and a part of the Bosporus. The base of the beach model is prepared by using the Caddebostan Beach section of the same Istanbul CAD model. They both are produced by CNC milling.&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; The activities that are practiced on these landscapes, temporary objects carried to and from these spaces and the visitors that spent restricted periods of time in these spaces are determined as constituents of the space conceptualization’s temporary layer. In the design objects and elements resembling this layer are placed on metal ropes connected to each other and the model frame with a pulley system. While they took place in the space, they are not represented as static components. Instead, they had the ability to move and appears in different locations and situations within this conceptual demonstration. This way the interactions and incidents happening with the introduction of time dimension is depicted. &nbsp; &nbsp; The abstract layer constructed by the subjective interpretation of the space brought in by the participants are represented in these models with semi-transparent textiles. This component of the space is produced as the result of the space perception. It actually demonstrates the “place state” of the conceptual space that is realized when it gains meaning through someone’s perception. The textiles are connected to different elements introduced as the secondary components of the space. As these temporary elements move, get close and far from each other physically and metaphorically, the relationship between them transform with their changing interpretations of the space and each other. Consequently, so does the textiles, transparencies and densities. &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Overall, the models described the three components determined to conceptualize the space perception and the collective identity of these typologies. Although they are physically lost, as proved here, their collective memory -an abstract phenomenon that indicates a cultural identity- is deeply in touch with the spatial perception and can be retrieved back as a physical structure. Based on this project’s proposal, this can be done by introducing the physical aspects creating the space and activating them by time-referenced interactions. With the perception of these two layers, the spatial experience can be initiated with the iterations made and introduced to the collective memory of the space.